Thailand Recalibrates Its Foreign Policy Under Sihasak

Thailand’s new foreign minister, H.E. Sihasak Phuangketkeow, has begun to put his stamp on Thai diplomacy, combining the instincts of a career diplomat with unusually candid public messaging about where he believes the country must go next.

At a wide-ranging briefing at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand (FCCT), Minister of Foreign Affairs Sihasak Phuangketkeow outlined Thailand’s current diplomatic challenges and the government’s recalibrated strategic direction. Speaking under the theme “Thai Foreign Policy toward Global and Regional Developments, Major Power Relations, and ASEAN Challenges — from Myanmar to Cambodia”, he delivered one of the most candid assessments of Thailand’s foreign-policy posture since assuming office in September 2025.

He told the audience that the international system is becoming less stable with the rules-based order under strain, protectionism increasing, and major-power competition sharpening and argued that these shifts require Thailand to adopt a more coherent, proactive, and broadly understood foreign policy capable of absorbing external shocks both at its borders and in the global economy.

The event came at a pivotal moment. Sihasak took office on 19 September 2025 in the government of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul, with a mandate to stabilise tense relations with Cambodia, help steer ASEAN’s response to Myanmar and rebuild Thailand’s international standing after a bruising domestic political crisis.

Photo Credit: X - @SihasakPh

Cambodia: From Ceasefire To “Pathway To Peace”

The most immediate test of Sihasak’s tenure lies to the east.

Along the Thai–Cambodian border, a fragile ceasefire has held since a deadly five-day clash earlier this year that left at least 48 people dead and displaced thousands. A Malaysian-brokered truce halted the fighting, but competing claims rooted in colonial-era maps and the presence of landmines and cross-border criminal networks mean the situation remains volatile.

At the FCCT, Sihasak disclosed details of what he called the “Kuala Lumpur agreement”, a United States-facilitated framework he described not as a peace accord, but as a “pathway to peace”. The arrangement focuses on three immediate confidence-building steps:

• Withdrawal of heavy weaponry from sensitive zones

• Joint demining along contested stretches of the frontier

• Closer cooperation against scam syndicates and other illicit networks operating in border areas

Implementation, however, has been suspended after another landmine blast seriously injured a Thai soldier. According to Sihasak, preliminary evidence indicated the mine was newly planted, a potential violation of the Ottawa Convention.

He emphasised that public sentiment carries significant weight in a democratic system, and pointed out that frustration over repeated incidents had made it politically untenable to move forward without greater clarity and accountability.

Minister also added that Cambodia needed to respond more transparently to the incident, and noted that Thailand had included 14 senior military officers in the most recent negotiation round to ensure alignment between diplomatic and military channels.

Despite the pause, Sihasak insisted Bangkok still seeks de-escalation and a negotiated settlement, but on terms that protect both national security and public trust.

On his first day in office, he had already signalled this direction, telling reporters that long-term peace with Cambodia required sustained troop reductions, landmine clearance and a clampdown on illegal activities along the 817-kilometre border.

Myanmar: A Crisis That Could Break ASEAN

If Cambodia is the immediate flashpoint, Myanmar is the slow-burning crisis that could reshape ASEAN itself.

At the FCCT, Sihasak cautioned that ASEAN is at risk of slipping into a form of “Myanmar fatigue,” where prolonged diplomatic stagnation could tempt some member states to disengage and tacitly leave Myanmar to its own trajectory, a development he said would undermine ASEAN’s credibility and central role.

He stressed that Thailand is the country most directly affected by developments in Myanmar, given their shared 2,400-kilometre border and the constant movement of refugees, illicit trade, and armed conflict spilling across it.

The looming Myanmar election, due to begin in late December, is a particular dilemma. Sihasak publicly characterised the vote as “imperfect” and told reporters that ASEAN re-engagement with Myanmar would still be “very difficult” even after polling, given the exclusion of many parties, ongoing civil war and the lack of genuine dialogue between the junta and its opponents.

“We cannot dismiss it, but we cannot embrace it,” he said in Bangkok, urging governments to treat the election as one phase in a protracted transition, not a legitimising end point.

He outlined three pillars of Thailand’s approach:

• Inclusive dialogue – Any path to peace must involve ethnic armed organisations and other stakeholders, not only the military and a narrow set of parties.

• Humanitarian imperatives – Thailand will continue to push for safe corridors, cross-border aid and protections for civilians. As vice foreign minister he had earlier championed a humanitarian safe zone near Mae Sot to deliver assistance via the Thai and Myanmar Red Cross societies.

• Personal advocacy on Aung San Suu Kyi – Sihasak has joined calls for the release of the detained former leader, highlighting reports of her deteriorating health and framing her case as both a humanitarian and political issue that affects ASEAN’s legitimacy.

He also argued for reform of ASEAN’s own tools, suggesting that the ASEAN Special Envoy on Myanmar should be appointed for a three-year, non-rotating term to avoid the “reset” that comes with shifting envoys every year.

Photo Credit: Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Recasting Thailand’s Foreign Policy

Beyond these crises, Sihasak is using his early months in office to sketch a broader recalibration of Thai foreign policy.

1. Hedging Without Drift

Thailand has long pursued a hedging strategy between the United States and China, seeking security ties and market access with both while avoiding overt alignment. Academic studies describe this as a balancing act that mixes engagement, diversification and limited soft-balancing against overdependence.

Sihasak has not abandoned that approach, but he has signalled that it needs clearer purpose.

Speaking at the 4th EU Indo-Pacific Ministerial Forum in Brussels, he told Euronews that a stronger European role in Asia helps “bring a balance of powers” between Washington and Beijing, underlining his view that Thailand should work with multiple partners rather than accept a binary choice.

At the United Nations General Assembly in September, he framed Thailand as a committed supporter of multilateralism and international law, calling for a UN “fit for purpose” and emphasising sovereignty, territorial integrity and peaceful dispute settlement.

2. Economic Diplomacy As Core Business

The minister has repeatedly argued that diplomats must become “economic operators” as well as political negotiators.

Under his watch, Thailand has stepped up trade diplomacy on three major tracks:

• EU–Thailand FTA – Negotiations for a “modern and balanced” free trade agreement were relaunched in 2023 and are now in advanced rounds, with both sides pushing to close by late 2025 or early 2026.

• EFTA–Thailand FTA – A separate agreement with the European Free Trade Association (Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) was signed in Davos in January 2025 and is awaiting entry into force.

• US Trade Framework – The Commerce Ministry is negotiating new rules with Washington on issues such as rules of origin, regional value content and digital trade, with the government aiming to conclude talks by the end of 2025.

In a recent interview, Sihasak linked these efforts to a broader push to rebuild Thailand’s global image, admitting that the country is too often seen simply as “good food and beautiful tourism” and laying out a four-month plan to project Thailand as a more serious economic and diplomatic player.

At home, he has delivered lectures at the National Defence College and other institutions urging closer coordination between foreign, economic and security agencies, and calling for more systematic training of diplomats in trade, investment and technology issues.

3. Rethinking ASEAN’s Comfort Zones

Sihasak has also floated ideas that would have been considered taboo in ASEAN circles a decade ago.

In interviews and speeches he has argued that ASEAN will need to adapt its consensus-based, non-interference model if it wants to remain credible in a region shaped by United States–China rivalry, cross-border crime and transnational crises like Myanmar.

He has urged the bloc to:

• Use flexible coalitions of “ASEAN minus X” when unanimity proves impossible

• Strengthen its human rights and rule-of-law mechanisms

• Take more proactive roles in preventing and mediating conflicts among members

These ideas echo his earlier experience as president of the UN Human Rights Council, where he gained a reputation for trying to broker compromises between North and South.

4. Non-Traditional Security: From Scam Gangs To Climate

In Bangkok, Sihasak has placed non-traditional security threats high on the agenda, from climate change to cybercrime and the vast scam networks that operate on and across Thailand’s borders.

He has linked the Thailand–Myanmar and Thailand–Cambodia crises to the rise of criminal syndicates, arguing that border management must now combine classic security measures with better financial intelligence, digital evidence-sharing and cooperation with partners in North America, Europe and Northeast Asia.

Climate diplomacy is another emerging pillar. At the UN and in ASEAN forums, he has lined Thailand up behind calls for more financing for adaptation, especially for countries facing severe air pollution, floods and heatwaves.

Communicating Foreign Policy At Home

One of the more striking features of Sihasak’s early tenure is his emphasis on talking directly to Thai citizens about foreign policy.

At the FCCT, he stressed that decisions on Cambodia and Myanmar cannot be separated from public sentiment and domestic politics. Frustration over landmines and casualties, he said, places real constraints on how far any government can go in accommodating neighbours, even when diplomacy demands restraint.

He has also called for more systematic public diplomacy, including:

• Greater use of digital platforms to explain key negotiations and crises

• Engagement with universities and think tanks to discuss Thailand’s strategic options

• Partnerships with the private sector to showcase Thai innovation and investment abroad

The aim, he says, is to move foreign policy out of the “black box” of officialdom and build a constituency for a more active international role.

Photo Credit: Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Who Is Sihasak Phuangketkeow?

Sihasak Phuangketkeow is one of Thailand’s most seasoned diplomats, with more than four decades of experience in bilateral, regional and multilateral affairs.

• Background and education – Born on 21 December 1957, he studied international relations at Chulalongkorn University and later earned a master’s degree in the same field from Johns Hopkins University in the United States.

• Early career – He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1979, serving in the Department of Information and later in the Thai embassies in Washington and Tokyo.

• Senior posts – Over the years he has held a series of key positions, including Foreign Ministry spokesperson, consul general in Hong Kong, deputy permanent secretary, permanent secretary of foreign affairs, ambassador to Japan and ambassador to France, where he was also Thailand’s permanent delegate to UNESCO and representative to the OECD.

• Multilateral profile – In Geneva he served as Thailand’s permanent representative to the United Nations and other international organisations and was elected president of the UN Human Rights Council from 2010 to 2011, later receiving Thailand’s National Human Rights Award.

Before becoming foreign minister, he returned to the ministry as vice minister for foreign affairs and acted as a key adviser on the Eastern Economic Corridor and on Thailand’s positioning as a “middle power” in a contested region.

Now, as the country’s top diplomat in a government born from crisis and facing simultaneous border conflicts, trade shocks and geopolitical rivalry, Sihasak is trying to turn that long experience into a short, urgent agenda: reduce tensions with neighbours, stop ASEAN from drifting on Myanmar, upgrade Thailand’s economic diplomacy and convince a sceptical public that foreign policy still matters.